Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Did Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard take liberty down a bad path?

            by KEVIN CZARZASTY


            Nelson
Hultberg, author of The
Golden Mean
, suggests that in response to exploding government in the
1930's, some libertarians became too extreme.  In turn, Anarchy-leaning
Libertarians dividing the freedom movement into one part radical, one part
conservative.  From there, Hultberg argues, Liberty had a tiny chance at
prevailing, because its proponents were fighting against themselves rather than
exponentially growing government.


            This
battle, I believe, illustrates the genius of Milton Friedman.  Freedom
fighters often run into the following problem: To be principled or to be practical?
 All too often, this is seen as a black and white issue, but as Milton
Friedman showed, the grey area is where the most progress can be made.  It
is in the spectrum between principles and practicality that we can begin to
reunite the cohesive freedom-thinkers that split apart in the early 20th
Century.http://static.typepad.com/.shared:v14c8b45:typepad:en_us/tiny_mce/3.3.9.4/plugins/pagebreak/img/trans.gif



Below is a short explanation by Hultberg...


"When it first began in the early 1940s, the freedom movement in America was not split between libertarians and conservatives. It was one coalition unified in rebellion against FDR's welfare state. By 1970, however, the movement had become tragically bifurcated. Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard took libertarians off into anarchy, while the Burkean philosopher Russell Kirk drove conservatives into the complacency of welfare-statism. This split has created two incomplete visions (contemporary libertarianism and conservatism) that are, in their singularity, incapable of effectively challenging the authoritarian mega-state."


FEE: The Division of Labor

            by SARAH SKWIRE

Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. "The Mouse, the Bird, and the Sausage," in Children's and Household Tales (aka Grimm's Fairy Tales), 1812. (adapted here)

Once upon a time a mouse, a bird, and a sausage formed a partnership. They kept house together, and for a long time they lived in peace and prosperity, acquiring many possessions. The bird's task was to fly into the forest every day to fetch wood. The mouse carried water, made the fire, and set the table. The sausage did the cooking.

The folk and fairy tales collected by the brothers Grimm are not widely considered to be significant demonstrations of the economic way of thinking. After all, aside from the static (and mostly symbolic) wealth of kings and queens, money in these tales tends to show up in comic or magical contexts—like an enchanted girl who drops gold from her mouth when she speaks, a purse that always contains one gold coin no matter how often you spend it, the goose who lays golden eggs, or the Italian tale about a donkey who provides gold from — elsewhere. Even these magically provided types of money do not function like money. No one ever spends the goose's golden eggs or the money dropped from the enchanted girl's mouth. The magic purse and the donkey are in the story, in most versions of the tales, in order to be stolen and to allow a villain to take the place of the hero or heroine until everything ends happily ever after.



When we remember that the economic way of thinking is not only about monetary exchange, but about all kinds of exchange and choices, these tales look a bit different. "The Mouse, the Bird, and the Sausage" is a perfect example.

The three companions begin this brief tale in an equitable and beautifully functioning partnership. Each member of the trio has a job, executes it well, and benefits from his own work and the work of his compatriots. Everything is going perfectly, and they live, as the Grimms tell us, "in peace and prosperity."

That is, until the bird starts to squawk.

Discontented with his lot, and describing his voluntary exchange of labor as (depending on one's translation) "servitude" or "slavery," the bird insists that the current arrangement is unfair and that they must all switch jobs. He assigns new tasks, and the sausage is sent to gather wood, the mouse to do the cooking, and the bird to tend the water, fire, and house.

In other words, the bird attempts to construct "fairness" from the top down by ignoring the advantages that have revealed themselves over time as the trio has settled into their familiar tasks and evolved a functioning and prosperous example of social cooperation under the division of labor. He forces the trio to desert the idea of comparative advantage as laid out by David Ricardo's On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817) and in chapter 8 of Mises's Human Action. Comparative advantage is the idea that everyone has something they do at lowest opportunity cost to themselves. That is the thing they should do if they wish to benefit themselves and others the most through exchange.

The sausage is probably the clearest example of comparative advantage in the tale. The bird and the mouse may well be able to exchange their tasks (though I suspect the bird's sharp eyesight, flight capability, and experience in gathering twigs for nests make him the best wood gatherer of the three), but the sausage cooks every night for a very specific reason. "When mealtime approached, she would slither through the porridge or the vegetables, and thus everything was greased and salted and ready to eat." Seasoning dinner with one's own flesh is a very low opportunity cost for a sausage (even a sentient one), but very high opportunity cost for a bird or a mouse—especially given that they can keep house or gather wood better than a sausage, no matter how sentient.

The tragic consequences of denying the truths of comparative advantage rapidly become clear in the tale. The sausage, sent off to gather wood, is eaten by a dog. The mouse attempts to season the boiling pot of vegetables with her body, but is instantly scalded to death. And the bird, angry and panicked, begins to throw the wood around the house. It falls into the hearth, and the house catches fire. When the bird runs to draw water from the well to quench the flames, the bucket falls into the well. He falls in with it, and he drowns.

Adam Smith reminds us that —the greatest improvement in the productive power of labour, the greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which it is any where directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.— But Ricardo and Mises remind us further that labor cannot just be divided up any old way. When we do that—when we ignore the concept of comparative advantage and the way it allows each of us to contribute most effectively—we end up like the bird, the mouse, and the sausage. And they did not live happily ever after.



Read more: http://www.fee.org/the_freeman/detail/the-division-of-labor#ixzz2XtddFYjy

The Folly of US Intervention in Syria?

 



Official Snowden Statement

One week ago I left Hong Kong after it became clear that my freedom and safety were under threat for revealing the truth. My continued liberty has been owed to the efforts of friends new and old, family, and others who I have never met and probably never will. I trusted them with my life and they returned that trust with a faith in me for which I will always be thankful.


On Thursday, President Obama declared before the world that he would not permit any diplomatic "wheeling and dealing" over my case. Yet now it is being reported that after promising not to do so, the President ordered his Vice President to pressure the leaders of nations from which I have requested protection to deny my asylum petitions.


This kind of deception from a world leader is not justice, and neither is the extralegal penalty of exile. These are the old, bad tools of political aggression. Their purpose is to frighten, not me, but those who would come after me.




For decades the United States of America has been one of the strongest defenders of the human right to seek asylum. Sadly, this right, laid out and voted for by the U.S. in Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is now being rejected by the current government of my country. The Obama administration has now adopted the strategy of using citizenship as a weapon. Although I am convicted of nothing, it has unilaterally revoked my passport, leaving me a stateless person. Without any judicial order, the administration now seeks to stop me exercising a basic right. A right that belongs to everybody. The right to seek asylum.


In the end the Obama administration is not afraid of whistleblowers like me, Bradley Manning or Thomas Drake. We are stateless, imprisoned, or powerless. No, the Obama administration is afraid of you. It is afraid of an informed, angry public demanding the constitutional government it was promised � and it should be.


I am unbowed in my convictions and impressed at the efforts taken by so many.


Edward Joseph Snowden


Monday, July 1, 2013

Snowden seeking Asylum in Russia

            The ball is now in Putin's court, as Edward Snowden's passport has been cancelled by the US government, and he remains in the Moscow Airport. While Ecuador has shied away from their innitial suggestion that they may take him, Russia has tried to remain neutral but may not have that luxury much longer. The entire debacle is turning into a mess, with some French politicians pushing for Paris to take him in, and with Germany declaring that the NSA revelations have greatly damanged US-German relations.  The catch: Snowden is still leaking information every few days.

Douglass on Effort


Douglassftcn_edited-1



Cafe Hayek: Maximum Misunderstanding of the Minimum Wage

            by DON BOUDREAUX

Here's a letter to the Los Angeles Times:

Michael Hiltzik's "Debate over minimum wage reignites decades-old arguments" (June 29) is flawed by several half truths and leaps of illogic.  Here are two examples.

First, no credible minimum-wage skeptic contends that raising that wage "would have a disastrous effect on the economy."  That wage (fortunately!) is set so low that it affects only a small fraction of American workers.  And those relatively few affected workers, being unskilled, are in many cases easily replaced with machines.  Both the smallness of the portion of the workforce affected and the easy mechanization of tasks performed by unskilled workers ensures that minimum-wage legislation isn't disastrous for the economy.  Such legislation, however, is often disastrous for those flesh-and-blood workers who, because of the minimum wage, lose their jobs or are obliged to toil at worse jobs.

Second, Mr. Hiltzik confuses publicly trumpeted motives for actual effects — a confusion revealed by his claim that "in addressing its citizens" economic dignity, the America of the Thirties was smarter and more humane than the America of today.—  The average annual unemployment rate for the 1930s was, on the most F.D.R.-friendly measure, 14.1 percent.  (Other measures put it at 18.2 percent.)  That rate was never lower than its 1930 level of 8.7 percent, while on F.D.R.'s watch during the 1930s it never fell below 9.1 percent.*


Anyone who considers these statistics along with the reality that the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 was, in fact, an attempt by politically powerful northeastern textile producers to crush competition posed by low-wage  and often black" textile workers in the south can be forgiven for dismissing Mr. Hiltzik's uncritical praise of the New Dealers— intelligence and humanity.

Sincerely,
Donald J. Boudreaux
Professor of Economics
and
Martha and Nelson Getchell Chair for the Study of Free Market Capitalism at the Mercatus Center
George Mason University
Fairfax, VA  22030

* See, for example, Table 1 in this 1993 JEP article by Robert Margo.